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美联社:藏人找到了一条路 令当局怒不可遏又无计可施/最后时刻 胡锦涛含泪在等谁?
發佈時間: 12/7/2012 10:48:48 AM 被閲覽數: 368 次 來源: 邦泰
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联社:藏人找到了一条路 令当局怒不可遏又无计可施(图)

 

活动团体称,本月在中国西部有20多位藏人自焚,对中国极权统治的抗议急剧加速。

美联社:藏人找到了一条路 令当局怒不可遏又无计可施(图)


  自焚事件的上升和大型示威活动的增加,标志着藏人抗议的新阶段。

  自从2009年出现自焚事件以来,至少已经有86人点火自焚。近几个月事态发生了转变,现在多数自焚者是世俗民众——一些人共同行动——他们不像佛教僧尼,后者住在寺院中,被当局紧密监视。

  抗议也力求不直接攻击政府设施,过去发生的这些行动被当局标上骚乱或者恐怖主义的标签,为政府找到借口进行更大规模的镇压。尽管抗议方式发生改变,观察家们短期内看不到北京会改变其高压政策的可能。

  "我认为问题会随着时间恶化。没有显示任何迹象,政府会正面响应外界或藏人的改革建议,"迈克尔·戴维斯说,他是香港大学法学教授和西藏专家。

  据总部在伦敦的自由西藏和其他团体称,在最近的自焚事件中,周二,24岁的格桑杰在阿坝州降扎乡政府门前在身上浇上煤油,然后点火自焚;阿坝是动荡不安的温床。

  一位阿坝官员周三说,他知道自焚事件,但是拒绝提供更多细节,然后就挂断了电话。

  周一,在900公里以外的青海省海南州,海南州医学院的1000多名学生勇敢地发动了抗议活动。自由西藏报道,防爆警察向空中开枪,并释放了催泪瓦斯,用枪把殴打学生,20位学生被送往医院,一些严重受伤。根据美国资助的广播自由亚洲报道,周二有四名学生被拘留。

  藏人以及周边藏区不对外界开放,极其难以获得该地区的第一手信息。当局并未评论抗议事件。我们周三致电医学院,但是无人接听。

  引发学生抗议的是政府发布的一本小册子,其中嘲笑藏语无关紧要,攻击流亡的藏人领袖达赖喇嘛,谴责藏人的自焚抗议"愚不可及"。

  这本小册子是中国政府一系列被认为藐视和冒犯藏人措施中最新的一件,这些措施让藏人感觉他们的核心身份认同,文化、语言和藏传佛教受到威胁。同样的感受引发了自焚。

  自焚和大规模抗议合在一起,对中国安全部队构成了新的挑战;近年来,藏区一直驻有大量的武警。

  自焚事件的上升表达了藏人社区和国际上对他们受到的影响的认识,罗比·巴内特说,他是在纽约的哥伦比亚大学西藏专家。他说,这可能会鼓舞更多抗议,更多藏人会愿意为他们的社区贡献生命。

  绝大多数自焚者在身上洒满汽油,唿喊着西藏独立,和为达赖喇嘛祈福的口号,然后点燃火焰;1959年,当中国占领西藏10年后,中国军队镇压一场反政府起义,达赖喇嘛逃亡印度。

  尽管几十年来抗议时不时爆发,紧张局势在2008年爆发,当时首府拉萨爆发了致命的骚乱,各地藏区群起响应。自此之后,此前已经极度紧张的安全措施升格,达到令人窒息的程度。

  自焚激励了很多藏人,他们认为这是无私的奉献行为,这使得当局很难指责自焚者。同样,学生的抗议也很难被妖魔化,因为这些抗议一般是非暴力的,集中于语言权利之类的议题,而这受到中国宪法的保障。

  随着地方当局在自焚和其他抗议活动后加大打击力度,北京当局相对较少发言,而只是例行公事地谴责达赖喇嘛和其跟随者。巴内特认为,这显示他们也不知道应该如何应对,既能保持他们的统治,又能防止反抗行动滚雪球,演变成为大规模抗议运动。

  他说,"这意味着藏人最少找到了一条路,令当局怒不可遏无计可施。"

 
 

Tibetan protests against Chinese rule in new phase

BEIJING (AP) — Two dozen Tibetans have set themselves on fire in western China this month in a dramatic acceleration of the protests against authoritarian Chinese rule, activist groups say.

The surge in self-immolations, along with an increase in large demonstrations, marks a new phase in the Tibetan protests.

At least 86 people have set themselves on fire since the immolations began in 2009. In a change in recent months, most self-immolators now are lay people — some of them acting together — rather than Buddhist monks and nuns who live in tightly monitored monasteries and thus can be more closely watched by authorities.

The protests have also sought to avoid direct attacks on authorities and government property, acts which in the past were used to label them as riots or terrorism, providing an excuse for greater oppression. Despite the altered approach, observers see little short-term possibility of Beijing changing its repressive policies.

"I think the problem will just escalate over time. The government shows no inclination to respond positively to recommendations for reform from the outside or Tibetans," said Michael Davis, a law professor and expert on Tibet at the University of Hong Kong.

In the latest immolation, 24-year-old Kalsang Kyab doused himself with kerosene and set himself alight Tuesday in front of local government offices in Kyangtsa in Aba prefecture, a hotbed of unrest, according to London-based Free Tibet and other groups.

An Aba official said Wednesday he was aware of the immolations but refused to give any details before hanging up.

On Monday, about 1,000 students at a Tsolho Medical Institute staged a bold protest about 900 kilometers (550 miles) to the north in Hainan prefecture in Qinghai province. Riot police fired shots into the air and released tear gas and beat the students with rifle butts, sending 20 students to the hospital, some with serious injuries, Free Tibet reported. Four students were detained as of Tuesday, according to U.S.-funded broadcaster Radio Free Asia.

Tibetan and surrounding ethnically Tibetan regions have been closed off to most outsiders, and firsthand information from the area is extremely difficult to obtain. Authorities have not commented on the protest. Calls to the medical school rang unanswered Wednesday.

Driving the students to protest was a booklet distributed by authorities that derided the Tibetan language as irrelevant, attacked the exiled Tibetan leader the Dalai Lama, and condemned the immolation protests by Tibetans as "acts of stupidity."

The booklet is the latest in a series of perceived slights and intrusive measures by Chinese authorities that have left Tibetans feeling that the culture, language and Buddhist religion that are at the core of their identity are under threat. The feelings have also driven the immolations.

The combination of immolations and large-scale protests is posing a new challenge for security forces, which have been stationed in large numbers in Tibetan areas in recent years.

The surge in self-immolations represents an awareness of the impact they are having among the Tibetan community and internationally, said Robbie Barnett, a Tibet expert at New York's Columbia University. That would likely inspire further protests, increasing the numbers of Tibetans willing to take their lives for the sake of their community, he said.

Most self-immolators have doused themselves with gasoline and set themselves alight after shouting slogans calling for Tibetan independence and blessings for the Dalai Lama, who fled to India in 1959 as Chinese troops — a decade after they occupied the region — were crushing an anti-government uprising.

Though protests have flared periodically over the decades, tensions boiled over in 2008, when deadly rioting broke out in the capital, Lhasa, and sparked an uprising across large swaths of ethnically Tibetan areas. Since then, security — already extremely tight — has been smothering.

The immolations have galvanized many Tibetans, who see them as selfless acts of sacrifice, making it hard for authorities to denounce the immolators. Similarly, protests by students are hard to demonize since they are typically non-violent and centered on issues such as language rights that are guaranteed under the Chinese Constitution.

While local authorities have cracked down hard following the self-immolations and other protests, authorities in Beijing have said relatively little other than to issue routine denunciations of the Dalai Lama and his followers. That indicates they are uncertain how to respond in a way that would bolster their authority and prevent the acts of defiance snow-balling into a full-blown protest movement, Barnett said.

"This suggests that the Tibetans have found a way of at least getting under the skin of the authorities," he said.

 
 
 
 
 
最后时刻 胡锦涛含泪在等谁?(1张图)

 
[博讯论坛]

  中共18大领导人交接,胡锦涛的全身退出与前任江泽民的恋栈夺权形成强烈的反差,引起世界关注。不过有人注意到,11月14日胡锦涛宣布18大闭幕后,他长时间站在主席台上,久久不愿离去。他在想什么呢?

  胡锦涛闭幕落泪照片 网路疯传

  18大闭幕当天,胡锦涛站在北京大会堂的座位上最后时刻的照片,在网上流传甚广,有人说,胡看上去饱经沧桑、很凄凉孤苦的样子,有人甚至说看到眼泪在他眼眶中打转。一位细心的日本记者在博客中说,他看到主席台上的其他人都退场了,而胡锦涛一直站在自己的位置上,没有动,感觉他在等一个人。他在等谁呢?

  这位日本记者按照日本人的心理分析说,他在等习近平。按照传统礼节,习近平这时应该走到胡锦涛身边,对他表示谢意和敬意。不过人们发现,习近平站起身来,等到李克强走过来后,和李一起走出了会场。

  很多人问:“胡锦涛时代真的就这样结束了?”专栏作家李清在其博客上问道:“为什么没几个人关心这位落寞、沧桑的老人?”答案也许从网民留言上可以找到。

  很多人认为胡执政十年没有大作为,“胡温新政”成了泡影,胡是“好人但不是好皇帝”,“他的最大功绩就是全身而退”,也有知道江泽民另立中央等幕后秘闻的人对胡锦涛很同情,“不是他一人之过。他受的干扰太多了,就算是十年碌碌无为,临门一脚却精彩十分……”“退的干净,赢得身后名,也算是一种度量和风度吧。”

  是学董承瑞还是学诸葛亮

  《争鸣》杂志引述消息称,2012年10月上旬,中共政治局通过多项决议,由胡锦涛提议,温家宝、李克强和议。其中有一项是“关于中央政治局常委、总书记退离休后,一律不设专职办公室班子机构”的建议,而此项决议目前并未对外公开,这之后不久,江泽民在军委“八一大楼”里的办公室被关闭。

  等到了18大召开期间,据《朝日新闻》引述相关人士透露消息,11月11日举行的中共党内高层会议通过了胡锦涛“彻底引退”的决定。会议还决定撤去位于中南海内的江泽民办公室,这预示中共将全面废除“党内重要事项需向江汇报”的内部规则。

  18大结束后江泽民离京时,没有在位的高官为他送行,甚至被视为江派人马的新任政治局常委张德江、俞正声、刘云山、张高丽等人也没有到场,只有江的铁杆贾廷安(现任中央委员)到场,有评价解读为这是胡锦涛学董承瑞“舍身炸碉堡”,废除老人政治后,江泽民政治影响力明显降低的体现。

  不过也有评论指出,江泽民就是个无赖,胡锦涛不干政了,并不意味着江泽民也不干政。就像法律一样,法律只能管遵守法律的人,坏人总会千方百计干违法的事,一纸空文是没有约束力的。

  也有人说,胡锦涛这十年做得非常辛苦,每天提心吊胆、战战兢兢、胆胆突突的,因为他真实地知道中共面临的难题是他无力解决的,所以好不容易熬到该下班了,恨不得撒腿就跑,越快交接越好,他一天也不想多干。这才是他全退的真实心态。

  不抛弃中共 “习、李新政”类同“胡、温新政”

  如今人们把目光聚焦在习近平、李克强身上,对此海内外呈现对立现象:大陆体制内的人大多很看好“习、李新政”,因为他们自认对习近平、李克强很了解,认为他们个人品行好,聪明能干,富有理想,是能肩负大任之人,于是对未来充满信心;而海外的人普遍对18大非常失望,因为他们认为习、李会像胡、温那样,最后成为中共体制的共犯。

  胡锦涛、温家宝都是工程师出身,他们的知识结构、认知水平和胆识气概,决定了他们最大的愿望就是搞好各方平衡,“不出错”,他们没有那种开创全新局面的能力,不是能够破局的人物。他们从底层一步一步升上来的过程中,早就把原有的棱角磨掉了,等变成中共的驯服工具之后才有可能被提拔上来。能从小媳妇熬成婆的大多是“听党的话”的人。

  尽管他们真实的想法可能跟他们的行为不一致,但评价一个人是看他干了什么,而不是他想了什么。他们不能从根本上否定中共的本质,不能从这个体制中跳出来,他们说的、做的,只能是中共体制给他们规定的角色,假如他们要像胡耀邦、赵紫阳那样做出自主决定,最后都会被中共魔爪给打下去。

  从这个高度看,不但胡温新政没有实施,习、李新政也必将成为泡影。中共官场有句粗话“屁股决定脑袋”,站在什么立场就决定了人怎么想、怎么做,所有中共党员,假如他们不能从根本上脱离中共,他们的所谓政治改革只能像晚清改良那样无济于事,“习、李新政”会同“胡温新政”一样,让人失望


新纪元周刊

2012-12-06

 


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